Archive for the ‘#USSR’ Tag

A Hero of Modern Liberty   Leave a comment

I thank my friend Mila for sending me this information. I had never heard about this man before she emailed me.

Международная Леонардо-премия 38.jpgAlexander Yakovlev was a man of humble origins, born in 1923 in Korolevo, a small village near the city of Yaroslavl, 160 miles northeast of Moscow, to a peasant family of loyal communists. After finishing secondary school in 1941, he was conscripted into the Red Army, where he fought until he was discharged in 1943 following an injury. He then joined the Communist Party, studied history and was offered to work for the Party at the local Department of Propaganda and Agitation. His career really took off upon his transfer from Yaroslavl to Moscow in 1953, where he rose through the post-Stalin party ranks. In 1969, he was appointed head of the propaganda department.

1958, Nikita Khrushchev gave a secret speech denouncing Stalin which Yakovlev personally attended. Yakovlev became doubtful of Marxism after this and tried to resolve its numerous inconsistencies. Following this speech, Yakovlev asked to study at the Academy of Social Sciences, where he recounts studying “feverishly” and reading “copiously” in search of an answer.

Eventually, he realized the Marxist ideology itself was flawed:

“It was at the academy, while immersed in studying primary sources, that I became fully conscious of the hollowness and unreality of Marxism-Leninism, its inhumanity and artificiality, its inherent contradictions, its demagogy and fraudulent prognostications.” Yakovlev, A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia.

He concluded that the only system viable of being an alternative to Marxism was one based on freedom of choice, private property, and morality which, according to Yakovlev, necessarily accompanies individual freedom.

On the eve of the half-century founding of the USSR, Yakovlev published an article attacking Russian nationalism, ending his illustrious career in as the Soviet propaganda minister. He was exiled to Canada as an ambassador.

In 1983, while still stationed in Canada, he held a long conversation with Mikhail Gorbachev, during which they formulated the ideas of perestroika (restructuring). Within two months, Yakovlev was back in Moscow, placed at the helm of an economic state-run think tank, and in 1985 (upon Gorbachev becoming general secretary) moved back to his familiar territory of propaganda.

Perestroika, accompanied by glasnost (openness), entailed a gradual introduction of freedom into Russian society and economy. This process allowed for some market-like independence of state companies, such as more flexibility in contracts and even retaining a part of the profit within companies. Glasnost showed the importance of ideology. Once in charge of it, and with the daily support of Gorbachev, Yakovlev was able to lift the suppression of political, cultural, and media discussions.

Soviet censorship was relaxed, and previously banned works such as Orwell’s 1984, Nabokov’s Lolita, and Pasternak’s Doctor Zhivago became freely available to Russians. It is primarily thanks to Yakovlev’s ideas and his role in implementing them that Gorbachev would be awarded with the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize.

 

Yakovlev pointed out the numerous flaws of Marxism, especially its underlying idea of class struggle:

There is a harmony of opposites: cooperation of classes, solidarity of classes. And only because of this does society thrive and develop. Any organization is harmonious cooperation; any division of labor is a mutual complement of diverse and opposite functions.” Yakovlev, The Fate of Marxism in Russia, (1993)

Marxism wrongly believed human nature may be altered by changed social relations. It is not capitalism which leads to alienation, as Marx predicted, but Marxism, wrote Yakovlev, since the abolition of private property alienates the workers from the fruits of their labor.

Marxism did bring about liberation, but it was liberation from responsibility, as it bred laziness and corruption. According to Yakovlev, the expropriation:

[D]eformed the psyche, people’s consciousness. It undermined the motivation for constructive labor and reduced people’s responsibility for their own welfare and lives.” In turn, this resulted in bureaucratic dictatorship.

When confronted with the failings of the realization of their ideology, Marxists were (and are) armed with various excuses: either the timing for the revolution was “wrong”; or the Russians mistakenly implemented the ideas of the “false” Marx, rather than the “true” Marx; or the problem was Stalin rather than Marxism; or as Yakovlev attests,

The theoretical legacy of Marxism ought to be judged today, not by its moral and intellectual intentions, but by what was accomplished on its basis and its ability to see the contemporary world as it is. Neither criteria proves the efficacy of this doctrine.” Moreover, when Marx’s “ideas became reality, they revealed their futility as well as their destructiveness.”

The consequences of this destructiveness shook Yakovlev to his core. In 1988, Yakovlev was put at the helm of a recently established Commission on the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression, charged with studying the materials of repression during Lenin’s and Stalin’s reigns. As he recounted in A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia,

The task has been a weary one. To descend step by step down 70 years of Bolshevik rule into a dungeon strewn with human bones and reeking of dried blood is to see your faith in humankind dissolve.

The Commission disclosed the diabolical crimes against the “unnecessary” peoples of the USSR: the decimation of seven million kulak households; the widespread hostage-taking, special orphanages, and even concentration camps for “socially dangerous children” of families targeted by repression; the deportation to forced labor camps of the “twice betrayed” prisoners of war of Soviet origin; the repressions of merchants and intelligentsia.

As Yakovlev reveals, particularly horrifying was the terror against the clergy:

“The documents bear witness to the most savage atrocities against priests, monks, and nuns: they were crucified on the central doors of iconostases, thrown into cauldrons of boiling tar, scalped, strangled with priestly stoles, given Communion with melted lead, drowned in holes in the ice.”

All the while, Lenin agitated that the level of murders was too low, instructing his followers to “launch merciless mass terror against kulaks, priests, and White Guards” (Lenin, quoted by Yakovlev). It is precisely these foundations of fear and violence that made the USSR incapable of reform.

Perestroika and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union liberated the Russians from communism – yet according to Yakovlev this had to be complemented with a spiritual liberation, Russian repentance for the sins of communism, and a legal trial of Bolshevism. He urged:

The twentieth century has come to an end. For Russia, it was the most terrible, the bloodiest century, shot through with hatred and intolerance. It would appear to be time to come to our senses, repent, ask forgiveness of the still-living survivors of the concentration camps, kneel before the graves of the millions of people who were shot or who died of hunger, and realize, at long last, that we lived in a criminal state, helping it to enslave us – all of us together and each of us separately.”

Alas, his calls fell on deaf ears, and Yakovlev himself was soon dubbed a traitor and Judas, as he constantly received threats, had funeral wreaths laid on his doorstep, his son shot at, and daughter’s car incinerated.

Unlike thousands before him, Yakovlev could not have chosen to lead a comfortable life and enjoy the rich privileges of the communist elite, because he had realized the only alternative to Marxism was individual freedom. Being a humble man, he most likely did not have himself in mind when he wrote:

Society does not become enlightened all at once, especially a society that is living in non-freedom but does not know it. Enlightenment begins with solitary individuals and then becomes massive and irreversible when life and circumstances begin to give birth, to reproduce on a mass scale the bearers of new consciousness. Such processes are produced from the coming into being of the individual.”

Communism in the USSR would have fallen with or without Yakovlev, but his wise guidance and intellectual rigor ensured that the most brutal regime in humankind’s history ended with a miraculous lack of bloodshed and violence. Today, humanity would prosper if other Yakovlevs would inspire the leaders of Venezuela, Cuba, North Korea, and – once again, unfortunately – the unrepentant Russia.

Posted January 2, 2018 by aurorawatcherak in History, Uncategorized

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The Most Recent Socialist Doctrines and the Problem of Economic Calculation   Leave a comment

This is part of a series on Ludwig von Mises 1920 essay “Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth”. I highly recommend that you read the full essay as I am just hitting the high points. Lela

 

Until socialists had some actual success in the world, they didn’t need to worry much about the problems of economic calculation without a price mechanism, so they didn’t. Really, what does it matter if your theory doesn’t work … until it becomes a reality.

In Mises’s era, socialist parties had obtained power in Russia, Hungary, Germany and Austria, which meant their theories now had to work in practice. So Marxist writers were beginning to actually look at the problems their theories walked hand-in-hand with. Mises had noted that they prefered to focus on drawing up programs for the path to socialism and not on addressing the problems of socialism itself.

Bauer leaves his readers completely ignorant of the fact that the nature of the banks is entirely changed in the process of nationalization and amalgamation into one central bank. Once the banks merge into a single bank, their essence is wholly transformed; they are then in a position to issue credit without any limitation. In this fashion the monetary system as we know it today disappears of itself. When in addition the single central bank is nationalized in a society, which is otherwise already completely socialized, market dealings disappear and all exchange transactions are abolished. At the same time the Bank ceases to be a bank, its specific functions are extinguished, for there is no longer any place for it in such a society. It may be that the name “Bank” is retained, that the Supreme Economic Council of the socialist community is called the Board of Directors of the Bank, and that they hold their meetings in a building formerly occupied by a bank. But it is no longer a bank, it fulfils none of those functions which a bank fulfils in an economic system resting on the private ownership of the means of production and the use of a general medium of exchange-money. It no longer distributes any credit, for a socialist society makes credit of necessity impossible. Bauer himself does not tell us what a bank is, but he begins his chapter on the nationalization of the banks with the sentence: “All disposable capital flows into a common pool in the banks.” As a Marxist must he not raise the question of what the banks’ activities will be after the abolition of capitalism?

Most other Marxist writers, even into the 21st century, don’t seem to realize that the bases of economic calculation are removed when you eliminate exchange and the price mechanism. That requires something be substituted in its place so as to avoid total chaos. There’s a fantasy belief that socialist institutions can easily replace those of a capitalist economy, but that has proven not to be the case. When the socialist markets in the USSR didn’t work, people turned to the black market. Mises was prescient in seeing that this would be the inevitable outcome.

Lenin’s ideas on the socialist economic system, to which he is striving to lead his people, are generally obscure.

Lenin trusted that the communes would be so efficient that they would provide a model for the rest of the country. Not too long after this, millions of people died in the Ukraine (the USSR’s bread basket) because the commune system didn’t work. In Lenin’s theories, every large agricultural and industrial concern was a member of the great commonwealth of labor. Those who are active in the commonwealth had the right of self-government. He said they exercised a profound influence on the direction of production and again on the distribution of the goods they were assigned for consumption. To Lenin, labor is the property of the whole society, and as its product belongs to society, society has a right to control product distribution.

How, we must now ask, is calculation in the economy carried on in a socialist commonwealth which is so organized? Lenin gives us a most inadequate answer by referring us back to statistics. We must bring statistics to the masses, make it popular, so that the active population will gradually learn by themselves to understand and realize how much and what kind of work must be done, how much and what kind of recreation should be taken, so that the comparison of the economy’s industrial results in the case of individual communes becomes the object of general interest and education.

Mises thought these “scanty allusions” to be a sign that Lenin didn’t understand statistics or monetary computation … that he might in fact be math deficient. You still couldn’t figure out how well the economy was doing or what a “fair” price was of any given product because there was no means of economic calculation within a socialist society.

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